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Rity faced its most signicant challenge since the end of the Cold War with Russia’s annexation of Crimea and fomenting of instability in eastern Ukraine. In the Middle East, meanwhile, rapid advances by ISIS in Syria and Iraq threatened the Iraqi state and led to greater military extroversion by regional states. The year ended with the US again commiing to deploy troops on a training mission to Iraq; at the same time it was also leading a broad multinational coalition in oensive operations against ISIS.
The broader, long-term strategic trend of China and other Asian states’ growing economic and mili. Tions, see some military capabilities further eroded or excised altogether. Russia’s assertiveness, notably its actions in Ukraine, refocused aention not just on Moscow’s policy objectives and military capabilities, but also on the impact of nancial constraints on Europe’s armed forces.
In real terms, European defence spending continued the downward trajectory seen since the 2008 economic crisis. Real European defence spending in 2014 was cumulatively 7.7% lower than in 2010. However, there were signs that the more challenging strategic environment in Europe had shifted budgetary priorities in some places, particu. Tegic communications. The laer was used to shape a multifaceted and overall eective information campaign targeted as much at domestic as foreign audiences; one where continual denials and rebuals from Moscow that it was militarily involved, even if increasingly implausible, had the potential to create a sense of cognitive dissonance in foreign decision- making circles. These operations demonstrated some of the fruits of Russia’s military-reform process, although too much focus on the new personal equip. Tions of how Western governments and armed forces react and adapt, politically as well as militarily.
These lessons might not necessarily be applied in conicts with Western states, but their potential to rapidly destabilise the existing order could, if applied in other zones of political and military competition, mean they have global ramications. Coping with the threat of hybrid warfare will require Western and other governments to invest in relevant capabilities. Investment could be made to bolste r long-te rm strate gic-int ellige nce capabi lities, such that the de-prioritisation of, for instance, broad language skills that can result from a f ocus on current operational requirements is minimised. Some armed forces are looking to address this problem by region. Tries these capacities have been reduced since the Cold War; rebuilding and updating them will take time and political commitment. This aspect of hybrid warfare was also evident in the media operations of ISIS in the Middle East. Fusing modern social-media savviness with sharp broadc asting tech niques and ev en comput er gaming to recruit, inspire and intimidate in equal measure, the actions of ISIS in this regard demonstrated some thematic similarities with the application of hybrid warfare in Ukraine, even if in another geographical area and a dierent operational environment.
These similarities required an understanding that, while traditional military capabilities such as mobility, re. Cratic structure at the same time as repressive rule, enforcing strict codes and ruthlessly eliminating dissent. It adopted a decentralised structure to create greater exibility on the ground and strengthen internal security, and has a core of highly motivated commanders, some of whom are former al-Qaeda or Sunni insurgents, while in Iraq some are former Saddam-era military ocers. While ISIS’s advance in Iraq led to a military collapse in that country’s north, in Syria it combined with other factors, like the US decision to call o air-strikes in September 2013 in exchange for Damascus relinquishing its chemical arsenal, as well as continuing Western reluctance to back the armed rebellio n. This created a situation by late 2014 where the position of President Bashar.